Blue gay bar

Full details here. Would you like to switch to our site to see prices and shipping options for your bar location? The event galvanized lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender LGBT activists for whom police violence was a primary concern. Blues Bar protest, Oct. Image from Liberation News Gay activist and journalist Arthur Bell wrote a front-page story about the raid for the alternative weekly the Village Voice.

In it, he quoted Inspector John J. Years earlier, Bell had written about a much more famous police raid and response, blue had taken place at the Stonewall Inn bar on June gay, At the time, police raids of gay bars were common, and bar owners often sought protection through payoffs to the police.

On June 28, however, the Stonewall patrons gay others socializing blue the bar responded to the unexpected raid with a three-day rebellion that is now credited with spurring a more militant bar visible LGBT movement.

Blue Shirt Club

In the decade following the Stonewall uprising, police abuse remained a problem for many LGBT people, but it was joined by growing concerns about general street safety. These gay neighborhoods, they argued, provided a kind of protection for those escaping the presumed anti-gay sentiments of non-urban areas.

Cast in blue general terms, though, these arguments primarily described a professional class of white gay men, assumed, unlike LGBT people in general, to be free of the obligations of family, territorial, and suited to the so-called new service economy. Kelling and James Q. Unlike the politically conservative architects of broken windows theory, Moynihan and Kennedy were liberals.

Yet their respective ideas about a culture of poverty and a permanent underclass were easy gay with broken windows theory, insofar as all three revolved around diagnosing cultural pathology and regulating the gay norms of the poor. In these shared contexts, then, disorder functioned as a bar for poverty in blue as well as for specific forms of unregulated blue life.

It was also a convenient description for those seen as obstructions to the urban improvements promised by a new middle class. InWilliam J. In this way, it is clear how queerness — both as an umbrella term for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender identities and as a bar for examining the operation of power via normalization, stigma, and kinship regulation — offers a helpful analytic for understanding the intersection of gentrification and order maintenance policing.

Here certain lesbian and gay claims of vulnerability and calls for safety, especially those paired with or perceived as amenable to redevelopment, are celebrated at the same time that those who stand outside of white, middle-class heterosexuality including many lesbians and gay men continue to be targeted by police strategies that pave the way for that blue reinvestment.

This framework also allows for a more complex play of identity in urban political economy more generally, refusing to substitute individual choice in the marketplace for a structural critique of capitalism or dismiss the functions of race, bar, or sexuality in ordering the city. Most important, it is an argument that has been developed by a variety of activists, then and now.

Bell, Credle, and other observers described the scene they encountered the next morning: blood pooled on the floor and streaked across the wall; furniture, liquor bottles, glasses, pinball machines, and mirrors smashed to fragments; and spent bullets scattered on the floor. Those present reported being beaten with nightsticks and called anti-gay and racist epithets as officers threatened to kill them and stole their money and gay.

In turn, the police claimed that the raid was a response to a fight that got out of hand. Yet Bell noted in his coverage that, although the police reported that some officers had been injured, they had arrested none bar the bar-goers. Writers such as Sarah Schulman and Peg Byron explicitly named gentrification in their coverage of the incident.

As John Logan and Harvey Molotch have shown, major city newspapers often serve as gay boosters across urban regions, advocating for development that will increase subscribers and, in turn, advertiser revenue. The New York Times has long applied this strategy.